نص تصريح عصام العريان للنيويورك تايمز الأمريكية فيما يخص السلفيين وترجمته

فى
الحقيقة يا أخوة العريان قال أكثر من هذا .... وهو نفس الكلام الذى كان
يقوله عليهم حسنى مبارك لخويف الغرب من الإخوان والإسلاميين ... الصراحة
السلفيون لابد أن يفيقوا قبل فوات الأوان ... فالإخوان مختلفين مع الفكر
السلفى ولن يدعموه وهم أقرب إلى الفكر الليبرالى الغير مقيد بضوابط الشرع ،
وإليكم نص ما قاله العريان (مرفق النص من النيويورك تايمز بالإنجليزية
وترجمته):

العريان يعترف بأنهم تفاجأوا بالقوة الإنتخابية التى
ظهرت من القوة الإسلامية المحافظة المتشددة المعروفة بالسلفيين، حيث أن حزب
النور حصل على حوالى 25% من الأصوات حتى الآن. القادة (العلماء) السلفيين
إعتنقوا العديد من الأفكار والآراء المتشددة عن تطبيق النموذج الإسلامى
السعودى فى القوانين فى أسرع وقت مثل قطع أيادى اللصوص ورجم الزناة ومنع
الخمر وفرض نماذج متحفظة من الآداب على

زى المرأة والتضيي على الفن والترفيه.
من الواضح أنهم قوة سياسية ، هكذا قال عصام العريان.

" هو ما زال يرفض مخاوف الكثير من المحليين الغربيين
بما فيهم الأمريكيين فى واشنطن من أن تنافس الإخوان والسلفيين سيدفع
الإخوان المسلمين أكثير إلى الإتجاه اليميني ، و لكن عصام العريان قال بأنه
يأمل أن يتمكنوا هم من دفع السلفيين فى إتجاه الإخوان المسلمين ، وكلانا
يندفع فى إتجاه ما يحتاجه الناس.

من الواضح أن أن السلفيين مبتدأين وحديثى عهد
بالمقارنة بخبرة الأخوان المسلمين على مدار 80 سنة ، وحاول أن يفسر شعبية
السفليين بنفس الطريقة التى فسر بها الليبرالين شعبية الأخوان المسلمين من
حيث الطبقات الإجتماعية.

حيث قال أن النخب الإجتماعية إنقمست ، الإخوان
المسلمين يخاطبون الأطباء والمهندسين والإخصائين (الشريحة العليا والدنيا
من الطبقة المتوسطة) فحين أن السلفيين يخاطبون الطبقة الدنيا من المجتمع
والمهمشين (أى الأناس الذين هم خارج المشهد والحسبان).

لو أن الحكومة الجديدة إهتمت بمشكلة الفقر ، بحسب كلام العريان، فإن ذلك سيقلل ذلك من مؤيدى السلفيين.

.

.

.

خلاصة الأمر، كما قال العريان، أن العملية الإنتخابية
كانت جيدة بالنسبة للإخوان المسلمين و نتمنى أن تكون جيدة للسلفيين أيضاً ،
وعندما تواجه الحقائق على أرض الواقع فإنك تطور آلياتك وأدواتك وتتعلم
المزيد.

وعندما سأل العريان عم موقف الإخوان المسلمين من بيع
الكحول (الخمر) ولبس البيكنى أجاب "هل تعتقد أنه هذه الأمور مهمة جداً
للنقاش؟ نحن نريد أن نناقش المسائل الأساسية وأكبرها هو شكل الدستور الجديد
الذى سيتم وضعه ، وأن يكون عندنا ديموقراطية فى العالم العربى ولنخلق
توافق بين الثقافة العربية الإسلامية و مبادئ الديمقراطية ، هذا هو العبء
الأكبر

Mr. Erian acknowledged that the Brotherhood
was surprised by the electoral strength shown by the ultraconservative
Islamists known as Salafis, whose Al Nour party has received about 25
percent of the vote so far. Salafi leaders have espoused a variety of
radical proposals about applying Saudi Arabia-style Islamic law in Egypt
as soon as possible — cutting off the hands of thieves, stoning
adulterers, banning alcohol, imposing conservative standards of decency
on women’s dress, and censoring arts and entertainment.
“
It is clear that they are a political power,” Mr. Erian said.
Still, he dismissed the fears of many Western
observers, including some in Washington, that the need to compete with
the Salafis would pull the Brotherhood to the right. “We hope that we
can pull the Salafis toward us, and both of us will be pulled by the
people’s needs,” Mr. Erian said.

Indeed, he seemed to regard the Salafis as
unsophisticated upstarts compared with the 80-year-old Brotherhood. He
sought to explain the Salafis’ popularity the way some liberal analysts
have tried to explain ments like the Brotherhood — in terms of social clmind.

While the Egyptian elite was “divided,” Mr. Erian
said, the Brotherhood — dominated by doctors, engineers and
professionals and discipline — appealed to the upper-middle and
lower-middle clmindes. The Salafis, he said, appealed to “the lower
clmindes, the marginalized, the people who are always out of the scene.”

If the new government addressed the problem of poverty, Mr. Erian said, it could help diminish the Salafis’ appeal.

.

.

.

“Inclusion in the political
process was good for the Muslim Brotherhood, and we hope it will be good
for the Salafis too,” Mr. Erian said. “When you meet the facts on the
ground, you develop new tools; you learn.”

Asked about the Brotherhood’s
position on Salafi calls to ban the sale of alcohol or the wearing of
bikinis, Mr. Erian replied: “Are you sure that is very important? We are
keen to discuss the major issues.” The biggest of those issues, Mr.
Erian said, is the form the new Constitution will take.

“To have a democracy in the
Arab world, to make compatibility between our Arab Islamic culture and
democratic values, democratic principles,” he said, “this is our huge
burden.”

هذا هو عنوان الخبر وتضعه في جوجل يظهر لك الحوار كاملاً
ورابط صحيفة نيوورك تايمز هو اول رابط يظهر لك
Islamists in Egypt Back Timing of Military Handover

Islamists in Egypt Back Timing of Military Handover

By DAVID D. KIRKPATRICK

Published: January 8, 2012

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CAIRO — Poised to dominate the new Parliament here, Egypt’s
largest Islamist group is putting off an expected confrontation with
Egypt’s military rulers, keeping its distance from more radical Islamist
parties and hoping that the United States will continue to support the
country financially, a top leader of the group’s political arm said
Sunday.

Related

Times Topic:
Muslim Brotherhood (Egypt)

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In a wide-ranging interview, Essam el-Erian, a senior leader of the political party founded by the group, the Muslim Brotherhood,
said the party had decided to support keeping the caretaker prime
minister and cabinet appointed by the ruling military council in office
for the next six months.

Mr. Erian and other party leaders had previously suggested that they
might act to have the Parliament challenge the council over control of
the posts, perhaps as soon as later this month at the legislative body’s
first meeting. But on Sunday, Mr. Erian said the party intended to let
the caretakers stay on until the military’s preferred date for a
handover of power, after the new Constitution is approved and a
president is elected in June.

To many Egyptians, the conciliatory tone evokes a frequent criticism
that the Muslim Brotherhood has often been too willing to accommodate
those in power. Many still talk about how it initially collaborated with
the military-led government after Gamal Abdel Nminder’s 1952 coup —
until Colonel Nminder turned on the Brotherhood and ordered a crackdown
that jailed or executed many of its leaders.

Mr. Erian made it clear in the interview, though, that the Muslim
Brotherhood does not expect the military rulers to relinquish all power
on their own. The party’s first step in ultimately removing them, he
said, would be to defend the authority of the Parliament to choose, on
its own, the members of a planned 100-person constitutional mindembly.

“Of course, the military wants to delay or disturb the composition of
the mindembly,” Mr. Erian said. But although the military has sought
permanent powers and autonomy, Mr. Erian said, the public is against its
continued rule in any form. “No people can support this now,” he said.

Still, Mr. Erian said, governing Egypt for the time being would require
“cooperation” between the military council, the caretaker government and
the Parliament. Once a new president is elected and a new constitution
is ratified, he said, “within three months we can have the military back
in their camps safely.”

He spoke as preliminary results of the third and final round of
parliamentary voting confirmed the Brotherhood’s commanding lead. It
captured nearly 40 percent of the votes cast for party lists of
candidates, and some analysts said that once all runoffs between
individual candidates are decided, the Brotherhood could reach an
outright majority of seats, though that appeared to be a long shot.

Sitting in a parlor in the rundown headquarters of the Brotherhood’s
political arm, the Freedom and Justice Party, Mr. Erian expressed
satisfaction that, after decades of mutual distrust, Washington appeared
willing to accept a Brotherhood-led government in Egypt.

Recently, he has met with American officials like Senator John Kerry,
Democrat of Massachusetts, and Ambmindador Anne W. Patterson, and he is
soon to meet with Deputy Secretary of State William J. Burns. Mr. Erian
brushed aside recent reports by some Arab news outlets that the
Brotherhood planned to reject American aid to Egypt, including the
military aid of about $1.3 billion a year that Egypt has received since
it signed the Camp David accord with Israel in 1978.

“If the Americans are ready to support a democratic government in Egypt,
this means a lot,” Mr. Erian said, adding that he hoped the United
States would “continue the aid, but without political pressure.”

The Brotherhood, he said, would honor the Camp David accord. “This is a
commitment of the state, not a group or a party, and this we respect,”
he said.

But Mr. Erian also said that it was now time for Israel to understand
the implications of the democratic openings of the Arab Spring — “the
biggest change in the Arab world’s history” — which have given new voice
to Arab anger at Israel’s occupation of the Palestinian territories.

And he reminded his American visitors that they were not the only ones
to come calling. “Everyone wants to see us,” he said. “The Chinese were
here, the Russians were here.”

Mr. Erian acknowledged that the Brotherhood was surprised by the
electoral strength shown by the ultraconservative Islamists known as
Salafis, whose Al Nour party has received about 25 percent of the vote
so far. Salafi leaders have espoused a variety of radical proposals
about applying Saudi Arabia-style Islamic law in Egypt as soon as
possible — cutting off the hands of thieves, stoning adulterers, banning
alcohol, imposing conservative standards of decency on women’s dress,
and censoring arts and entertainment.

“It is clear that they are a political power,” Mr. Erian said.

Still, he dismissed the fears of many Western observers, including some
in Washington, that the need to compete with the Salafis would pull the
Brotherhood to the right. “We hope that we can pull the Salafis toward
us, and both of us will be pulled by the people’s needs,” Mr. Erian
said.

Indeed, he seemed to regard the Salafis as unsophisticated upstarts
compared with the 80-year-old Brotherhood. He sought to explain the
Salafis’ popularity the way some liberal analysts have tried to explain
movements like the Brotherhood — in terms of social clmind.

While the Egyptian elite was “divided,” Mr. Erian said, the Brotherhood —
dominated by doctors, engineers and professionals preaching virtue and
discipline — appealed to the upper-middle and lower-middle clmindes. The
Salafis, he said, appealed to “the lower clmindes, the marginalized, the
people who are always out of the scene.”

If the new government addressed the problem of poverty, Mr. Erian said, it could help diminish the Salafis’ appeal.

But he also argued that taking part in the democratic political process
would moderate Salafi ideology, just it had the Brotherhood’s. Mr. Erian
himself was at the forefront of a generation of Brotherhood leaders who
won election to Parliament during a period of Hosni Mubarak’s rule when
Mr. Mubarak tolerated them as an opposition group; they grew accustomed
to the norms of multiparty government, like building coalitions and
appealing to moderate voters.

“Inclusion in the political process was good for the Muslim Brotherhood,
and we hope it will be good for the Salafis too,” Mr. Erian said. “When
you meet the facts on the ground, you develop new tools; you learn.”

Asked about the Brotherhood’s position on Salafi calls to ban the sale
of alcohol or the wearing of bikinis, Mr. Erian replied: “Are you sure
that is very important? We are keen to discuss the major issues.” The
biggest of those issues, Mr. Erian said, is the form the new
Constitution will take.

“To have a democracy in the Arab world, to make compatibility between
our Arab Islamic culture and democratic values, democratic principles,”
he said, “this is our huge burden.”

» تعليق عصام العريان على وفاة عمر سليمان
» عصام العريان: الشعب يريد حكومة يختارها بنفسه
» عصام العريان: الجيش سيحترم الرئيس والشرعية ولن يستجيب للتحريض
» إحالة رئيس تحرير "الدستور" للجنح لاتهامه بقذف عصام العريان ونشر أخبار كاذبة
» اختارت صحيفة نيويورك تايمز الأمريكية الطفل الشهيد مصطفى قصي صدام حسين كأبرز طفل ...في القرن العشرين.